A number of scholars has examined the complex relationships of young women involved with delinquency and gangs. Until the last ten to fifteen years, the subject has been largely dismissed by male scholars in sociology and criminology, and has been generally treated with prurience and sensationalism in the media. The 1992 NIJ National Gang Survey reported ninety-nine independent female gangs spread over thirty-five law enforcement jurisdictions. Estimates of female gang membership in New York City range between eight thousand and forty-thousand members, 10 percent of whom are female (Campbell 1995). Like male members, they become active in their early teens, and may maintain gang membership into their thirties. Many have children, and although marriage is not commonplace, neither is it rare.
Campbell (1995) asserts that traditional scholarship in female gangs has mythologized the roles taken by such girls. A primary myth is that girls join gangs for upward mobility. Despite their lower-working-class status, these young women are basically choice makers, determined to improve upon their family's circumstances. Middle-class values and lifestyles include postponing the fulfilment of immediate wants in favor of future goals and making an effort to improve oneself. Girls envision marrying for love, having a supportive husband for bearing the burden of raising the children, and living well. These girls have been viewed as "dabbling" in gangs, as part of an adolescent phase, but eventually left behind as the virtuous role of "good girl" takes over.
The other prong of the gang girl myth is that she is "bad." She holds no illusions about her socioeconomic status and the lack of opportunities it affords. She is likely to have performed poorly in school, particularly if English was not the language spoken in the home. The struggle for money is relentless, and she is taunted by television stories of the wealthy and prominent, but knows this will never materialize for her unless she "wins the lotto." Being "bad" provides an outlet, a diversion from the monotony of her life and that of her friends. Possessions and partying are major preoccupations. Authority figures provide opportunities to prove toughness and control in challenging situations.
With both female stereotypes, males figure prominently. With the "good" girls, they compete as peers, fighting with the boys, backing them up. Gang girls are stereotyped as "tomboys," even taking up criminal activity, such as robbery. The major difference between the two--and they are both engaged in promiscuous sexual liaisons--is that the former maintains heraffiliative relationships with other females, whereas the "bad" girl, now denigrated into a "sex object," focuses exclusively upon male relationships. This restrictive role portrayal does justice to no one, for, according to Campbell (1995).
Campbell (1995) asserts that traditional scholarship in female gangs has mythologized the roles taken by such girls. A primary myth is that girls join gangs for upward mobility. Despite their lower-working-class status, these young women are basically choice makers, determined to improve upon their family's circumstances. Middle-class values and lifestyles include postponing the fulfilment of immediate wants in favor of future goals and making an effort to improve oneself. Girls envision marrying for love, having a supportive husband for bearing the burden of raising the children, and living well. These girls have been viewed as "dabbling" in gangs, as part of an adolescent phase, but eventually left behind as the virtuous role of "good girl" takes over.
The other prong of the gang girl myth is that she is "bad." She holds no illusions about her socioeconomic status and the lack of opportunities it affords. She is likely to have performed poorly in school, particularly if English was not the language spoken in the home. The struggle for money is relentless, and she is taunted by television stories of the wealthy and prominent, but knows this will never materialize for her unless she "wins the lotto." Being "bad" provides an outlet, a diversion from the monotony of her life and that of her friends. Possessions and partying are major preoccupations. Authority figures provide opportunities to prove toughness and control in challenging situations.
With both female stereotypes, males figure prominently. With the "good" girls, they compete as peers, fighting with the boys, backing them up. Gang girls are stereotyped as "tomboys," even taking up criminal activity, such as robbery. The major difference between the two--and they are both engaged in promiscuous sexual liaisons--is that the former maintains heraffiliative relationships with other females, whereas the "bad" girl, now denigrated into a "sex object," focuses exclusively upon male relationships. This restrictive role portrayal does justice to no one, for, according to Campbell (1995).
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